What is the collective security system. An attempt to create a system of collective security. Soviet-German negotiations. Elemental composition and classification of public safety systems

The growing war danger in the world (1933-1939)

In December 1933, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) adopted a resolution on the deployment of the struggle for collective security. It determined the main direction of the USSR's foreign policy on the eve of the Second World War. The government of the USSR saw the real way to ensure peace in the creation of regional pacts of mutual assistance. It declared its readiness to take part in such a pact with the broad involvement of European states. In 1933, the USSR put forward a proposal for a legal definition of the aggressor, which would create grounds for legal sanctions, and in September 1943, the Soviet Union joined the League of Nations.

The embodiment of the idea of ​​collective security was the Eastern Pact project, initiated by the French Foreign Minister Louis Bartoux. L. Bartu actively supported the admission of the USSR to the League of Nations, used all his influence in order to accelerate the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Czechoslovakia, Romania, to overcome anti-Soviet demonstrations in Yugoslavia.

As envisaged, in addition to the USSR and France, the states of Central and Eastern Europe - Poland, Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Finland - were to become parties to the pact. In addition, it was decided to invite Germany to join the pact. In this case, it would inevitably find itself in the mainstream of the Soviet-French policy. The project envisaged, firstly, a regional agreement on the guarantee of borders and mutual assistance between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe ("East Locarno") and, secondly, a separate Soviet-French pact on mutual assistance against aggression. The Soviet Union became the guarantor of the Locarno Agreement (October 1925), and France became the guarantor of the aforementioned regional agreement.

However, after the assassination of L. Bartou in October 1934, the position of French diplomacy became more moderate. 1 On December 5, 1934, the Franco-Soviet agreements were signed, in accordance with which both countries refused to take further steps to prepare a regional Eastern European guarantee agreement. It was partially replaced by a treaty of mutual assistance signed in May 1935 between France and the USSR in the event of an attack by any third party. However, the treaty was not supplemented by a military convention.

In the face of the growing threat from Germany, the countries of South-Eastern Europe tried to consolidate their forces. On February 9, 1934, with the support of France and Great Britain, an agreement was signed in Africa between the four Balkan countries - Greece, Romania, Turkey and Yugoslavia. The Balkan Pact obliged the signatory countries to jointly protect their intra-Balkan borders and coordinate their foreign policy.

1. Louis Bartou was killed in Marseille on October 9, 1934 during a meeting between the Yugoslav King Alexander the Great and Croatian nationalists. King Alexander was also killed.

Of the Balkan countries, the pact was not signed, under the influence of Germany and Italy, Bulgaria and Albania.

The created Balkan Entente supplemented the Little Entente, an organization existing since April 1921 and uniting Czechoslovakia, Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

Change in the tactics of the Comintern. With the transition of the Soviet government to the tactics of cooperation with all anti-fascist forces, the policy of the Comintern and the RSI (Workers' Socialist International) also changes. Back in the 1920s, the leadership of the Communist International made a major strategic mistake, concluding that the time of the world socialist revolution would come after the economic upsurge. A tactical error also followed from this mistake. Preparing for the world revolution, the leaders of the Comintern (Stalin, Zinoviev, Bukharin) saw their main enemy in the Social Democrats, who supposedly distract the attention of the working people from the revolution. At the 6th Congress of the Comintern (1928), a class versus class tactic was adopted, which implied the communists' refusal to cooperate with other parties, both left and right.

In the 1920s, the communist parties launched an active struggle against the social democrats, calling them social - fascists. In response, the RCI called the communists a left-wing version of fascism and forbade social democratic parties to cooperate with the communists.

After the fascists came to power in Germany, the Cominterns and the RSI realized the need to change their tactics. In October 1934, the RSI leadership allowed the Social Democratic parties to cooperate with the Communists. The turn in the position of the Comintern took place at its VII Congress in August 1935. At this Congress, the Communists stopped calling the Social Democrats "social-fascists" and called the main task the struggle for democracy, and not the victory of the world revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

This turn in the positions of the Comintern and the RSI made it possible to create popular fronts in France and Spain, and in 1937 the communist and social democratic trade unions were united. However, the RSI leadership rejected all of the KI's calls for unification.

This position of the leadership of the RSI was largely due to the actions of Stalin, who, after Lenin's death, actually became the head of the KI. For Stalin, the decisions of the VII Congress of the Comintern meant personal defeat, since they, in fact, admitted that the leadership of the KI in the 1920s was pursuing an erroneous course. That is why Stalin was not going to carry out the decisions of the VII Congress. In the 30s, many prominent KI figures who lived in the USSR were repressed. In 1938-39. under Stalin's pressure, KI dissolved the Communist Parties of Latvia, Poland, Western Belarus and Western Ukraine.

The signing in 1939 of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact was regarded by the social democrats as a conspiracy between the communists and the fascists. Relations between RCI and CI have escalated again. Again, it was not possible to achieve unity in the workers' movement on the eve of the war.

Aggravation of the international situation in the mid-30s. Regarding the creation of the Balkan Entente, the European press expressed doubts that the new treaty would contribute to general pacification. These fears were justified. In July 1934, the Austrian Nazis attempted an armed coup. Dressed in the uniform of the federal army and police, the putschists infiltrated the Federal Chancellor's residence and seized the radio station building. They announced on the radio the alleged resignation of Chancellor Dollfuss, signaling riots in other cities across the country. The putschists advocated the annexation of Austria to Germany.

Dolphuss was seriously injured and died by the end of the day. The coup attempt was eliminated everywhere within two or three days. And only the tough actions of Mussolini, who gave the order to send four divisions to the borders of Austria, forced Hitler to abandon direct aggression then.

It should be noted that the relations of the fascist regimes in Italy and Austria with Nazi Germany were initially very tense. The reasons for this were the ideological differences between National Socialism and Fascism, and the negative reaction of Austria and Italy to the possibility of the Anschluss, which Hitler demanded. It was the decisive measures of Italy, more than the diplomatic measures of Great Britain and France, that forced the Nazis to temporarily suspend pressure on Australia.

On March 1, 1935, as a result of a plebiscite, the Samara region again became part of Germany. Having returned the Samara region, Nazi Germany strengthened its position in the international arena (since 1929 Saar was under the control of the League of Nations).

The solemn action of the transfer of the Saar to the jurisdiction of Germany took place in the presence of Hitler. The decision to change the status was made on January 13, 1935 during a plebiscite. 91% of the population of the Saar was in favor of joining Germany. Taking advantage of the nationalist sentiments that prevailed in the country, Hitler announced the introduction of universal military service, which contradicted the main provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty.

All this caused especially great alarm in French diplomacy and the toughening of its position on the German question. On the initiative of France and with the full support of Italy in the Italian city of Stresa on April 11, 1935, an international conference on the German question was opened. Its participants condemned the unilateral violation of the Versailles Treaty. Despite the fact that the adopted resolutions were of a very general nature, the political significance of the conference was extremely great. France demonstrated at it its readiness to move away from unconditional adherence to the course of appeasement and to join the tough position of Italy.

But the prospects for the folding of the Franco-Italian alliance alarmed British diplomacy. Following the traditional policy of "balance of power", London in June 1935 is going to sign the sensational Anglo-German naval arms treaty. According to him, a ratio of 100: 35 was introduced between the navies of Great Britain and Germany (with equality for submarines). British politicians viewed the conclusion of this agreement as an important step towards further limiting maritime armaments and a timely addition to similar articles of the "Treaty of Five" of the Washington Conference. However, in practice, Nazi Germany received the right to an unhindered expansion of naval development, since the difference in the level of naval weapons made it possible to provide the entire Reik shipyard with work for ten years without violating the "letter of the treaty".

Hitler's government immediately after coming to power began the economic transformation of those branches of the economy that produced weapons. The economic policy of the National Socialists was primarily aimed at the development of "national" weapons.

In September 1936, the government announced the introduction of a 4-year plan. It was assumed that during this period, German industry will achieve independence in the provision of raw materials. At the same time, the modernization of weapons production will be carried out. Hitler's comments on the plan stated: “We are overpopulated and therefore cannot feed ourselves on our own territory. The final solution to this problem is associated with the expansion of living space, that is, the raw material and food base for the existence of our people ... For this I have set the following tasks: 1. The German army will have to become combat-ready in 4 years. 2. The German economy should ensure the possibility of waging war in 4 years. "

As you can see, the Anglo-German treaty fully fit into Hitler's economic development plan.

The perniciousness of the British strategy became apparent in the near future, when the formation of a strategic alliance between Italy and Germany took place. The reason for such an unexpected turn was the Italian aggression to Abyssinia (Ethiopia), which Italy unsuccessfully tried to conquer in 1896, since the African continent was already predominantly "divided", independent Abyssinia remained the only possible object of expansion.

On October 3, 1935, the six hundred thousandth Italian army invaded Ethiopia. The campaign against the weak Ethiopian army proved to be fleeting and victorious. On October 7, the Council of the League of Nations recognized Italy as the aggressor and imposed economic sanctions on it. But these sanctions did not affect the outcome of the case. On May 5, 1936, Italian troops entered Addis Ababa, the capital of Abyssinia, and in July the League of Nations stopped applying the sanctions, believing that without military measures they would be ineffective.

Taking advantage of the tension between the leaders of the League of Nations and Italy, the German Wehrmacht occupied the demilitarized Rhineland on March 7, 1936. Hitler violated not only the Versailles Treaty, but also trampled on Germany's obligations under the Locarno Agreements. As Hitler later admitted, it was pure gamble, since at that time Germany had neither the strength nor the means to withstand a possible response from the outside, primarily from France. But neither France nor the League of Nations even condemned this step, only stating the fact of violation of the Versailles Treaty.

At the same time, Italy, finding itself in diplomatic isolation, was forced to seek support from its former enemy. In July 1936, Austria signed an agreement with Germany, which effectively pledged to follow German policy. Italy under a treaty with Germany pledged not to interfere in German-Austrian relations.

Then, in July 1936, a military-fascist rebellion broke out in Spain, led by General Franco. From August 1936, first Germany and then Italy began to provide military assistance to Franco: over 3 years, 300 thousand Italian and German soldiers and officers were sent to Spain.

In August 1936, in London, at the suggestion of the French Socialist Prime Minister Leon Blum, the Committee on Non-Intervention was created.

Formation of hotbeds of a new world war. gradually Germany and Italy began to draw closer to each other. In October 1936, the Italian-German protocol was signed, according to which Germany recognized the capture of Ethiopia by Italy. Both sides recognized the Franco government and agreed to adhere to the general line of conduct in the Committee on Non-Intervention. This protocol formed the "Berlin-Rome axis".

On November 25, 1936, Germany and Japan signed the so-called "anti-Comintern pact" for a period of 5 years. The parties pledged to jointly fight against the Comintern and invited third countries to join the pact. Italy joined the pact on November 6, 1937, and in December it withdrew from the League of Nations. An aggressive bloc Berlin-Rome-Tokyo was formed, which opposed itself to the League of Nations and the entire established international legal order. In the next two years, Hungary, Manchukuo, Bulgaria, Romania, and others joined the pact. In May 1939, Germany and Italy signed an agreement on a military-political alliance ("Steel Pact"). This agreement contained the obligations of the parties on mutual assistance and alliance in the event of hostilities.

The policy of appeasing the fascist aggressors. The actions of Japan and Germany led to the collapse of the Versailles-Washington system, as its main treaties were violated. However, England, France and the United States did not take any retaliatory steps, although they had every opportunity to stop the aggressive countries. A group of isolationists held a strong position in the US leadership, believing that the United States should focus all its attention on the American continent and not interfere in the situation in other regions of the planet. The governments of England and France did not want to start a war with Germany, tk. they were afraid that the population of their countries would not support such a war. Therefore, the governments of England and France chose a policy of "appeasement" against the aggressors, which implied partial concessions to the aggressors in the hope of preventing a new world war. The governments of England and France hoped that Germany and Italy would calm down after the elimination of those provisions of the Versailles system that aroused their displeasure. An article by Lord Lothian in the London “secret” of February 1, 1935, became a kind of manifesto of the policy of “appeasement”. He wrote: “Germany wants equality, not war; she is ready to absolutely renounce war; she signed a treaty with Poland * which removes from the sphere of war for 10 years the most painful element of the Treaty of Versailles - the Corridor; she finally and forever recognizes the inclusion of Alsace-Lorraine in France, and, finally (this is the most important), she is ready to pledge that she will not interfere by force in the affairs of her beloved Austria, provided that all her neighbors do the same. He (Hitler) goes even further and says that he is ready to prove the sincerity of his desire for peace to sign non-aggression pacts with all of Germany's neighbors, and in the field of arms does not demand anything but "equality", and agrees to accept international control, if so the rest of the parties to the agreement will also go.

I have not the slightest doubt that this position is sincere. Germany does not want war .... "

Documents from the secret archives of Berlin and Roim show how quickly the deliberate inaction of the Western powers gave the aggressors a feeling of complete impunity, and how disastrous the refusal of England and France to use the League of Nations as an instrument of countering aggression turned out to be. In this connection, it is interesting to record a conversation between Mussolini and Garing, who visited Rome in January 1937 in order to demonstrate the strength of the newly created "axis". Among other problems, the interlocutors also touched upon Spanish. Answering Goering's question about the possible reaction of the Western powers, Mussolini expressed the conviction that there is no danger from this side: “There is ... in three cases he was inactive, * suddenly came into action for the fourth time .... The English conservatives are very afraid of Bolshevism, and this fear can be very well used for political purposes. "

This point of view was also shared by Goering: "Conservative circles (England. - Auth.), It is true, are very concerned about the power of Germany, but most of all they are afraid of Bolshevism, and this makes it possible to consider them almost completely ready to cooperate with Germany."

And this was fully taken into account by Hitler, who called the USSR the main enemy and quite successfully influenced the position of England and France. Already at the beginning of 1938, it was clear that Europe was on the brink of war. Hitlerite Germany mobilized and kept its entire military apparatus on alert. All persons who showed indecision or disagreement with the course pursued by Hitler were removed from the leadership of the German army. Field Marshal von Blomberg was forced to resign. General Keitel was appointed in his place. Gerang was elevated to the rank of Field Marshal. Hitler himself declared himself the supreme commander of the armed forces of Germany.

• meaning the German-Polish declaration of 1934 on the non-use of force (also known as the non-aggression pact) signed on January 26, 1934 in Berlin; concluded for 10 years.
• obviously, this means the aggression of Japan in northeastern China, the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, the remilitarization of the Rhine zone by Germany.

On February 20, 1938, Hitler made a threatening speech in the Reichstag. He stated that Germany cannot remain indifferent to the fate of the 10 million Germans living in the two neighboring countries and that she will strive for the unification of the entire German people. It was clear that we were talking about Austria and Czechoslovakia.

On March 12, 1938, Germany, with the support of the Austrian fascists, made the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria under the pretext of the reunification of the two German states. Since the feudal chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg refused to hold a referendum on Austrian independence, Germany on March 11 demanded his resignation in an ultimatum form. The Austrian Minister of the Interior Seyss-Inquart formed a National Socialist government.

After the Anschluss, the persecution of Jews and political opponents of Nazism began.

Hitler's next step was to demand that Czechoslovakia transfer the Judicial Region, where many Germans lived. In the Sudetenland, the Sudeten-German party operated, which demanded the granting of national autonomy to the Sudeten Germans, freedom of the “German worldview” (more precisely, Nazism), the “reconstruction” of the Czechoslovak state and a change in its foreign policy.

Czechoslovakia had a developed military industry and a strong army, and since 1935 it had agreements on mutual assistance with France and the USSR. All this allowed Czechoslovakia to repulse Germany, especially since Germany did not yet have the strength to start a war.

However, at this decisive moment, the governments of England and France decided to pursue a policy of "appeasement". On September 26, Hitler presented Czechoslovakia with an ultimatum demanding the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany. In September-October 1938, a conference of the leaders of England, France, Germany and Italy was held in Munich. On it, the leaders of England and France (Chamberlain and Daladier), in fact, in an ultimatum, demanded that Czechoslovakia meet Hitler's demands. Hitler, in return, promised to respect the new borders of Germany. It is noteworthy that no one asked the opinion of Czechoslovakia itself. Moreover, her representative was not even invited to the conference.

The USSR offered Czechoslovakia military assistance without the participation of France (as provided for by the 1935 treaty) and even concentrated its military forces in Ukraine. But the Czechoslovak government refused this assistance, fearing that the USSR would occupy the country. As a result, Czechoslovakia submitted to the Munich decisions.

However, having received the Sudetenland, Hitler did not stop there. On March 15, 1939, Germany occupied the entire territory of Czechoslovakia, using as an excuse the intensification of separatist movements in Czechoslovakia and the introduction of martial law in Slovakia. The Czech Republic was annexed to Germany, and in Slovakia the Germans created the Puppet State. Between Germany and Slovakia, a so-called protection was concluded, according to which Germany assumed the maintenance of internal order and the territorial integration of Slovakia for 20 years.

In March 1939, Germany demanded that Poland hand over the city of Gdansk to it and provide railways and highways for communication with it. Then Germany annulled the non-aggression pact with Poland, signed in 1934. Hitler also demanded that England and France return Germany to its colonies.

On March 23, 1939, German troops invaded the area of ​​Slipėda (Lithuania). Standing on the deck of the battleship "Germany", Hitler announced the annexation of Klaipeda to Germany.

Following Germany, Italy became more active. On April 7, 1939, she came to Albania and quickly captured it. Albanian king Ahmed Zogu emigrated. On April 12, the National Assembly approved an alliance with Italy. After that, Mussolini put forward territorial claims against France.

In Asia, Japan attacked China in 1937 and by the end of 1938 captured its coastal part. In the summer of 1938, Japanese troops attacked the territory of the USSR in the area of ​​Lake Khasan in order to seize the USSR and stop helping China. The fighting lasted for about a month and ended with the defeat of the Japanese troops. In May 1939, Japanese troops began military operations against Mongolia in the area of ​​the Khalkin-Gol River. Soviet troops came to Mongolia's aid, which in August 1939 defeated the Japanese and drove them back from Mongolia.

Seeing that the "appeasement" policy had failed, the governments of England and France changed their strategy. They embarked on a course of creating a system of collective security in Europe with the aim of forming an anti-German coalition and stopping German aggression. This was the second attempt to create such a system. The first was undertaken by the USSR and France in 1934-1935. in the form of the idea of ​​creating a multilateral mutual assistance treaty (Eastern Pact). But then Germany managed to thwart the conclusion of such an agreement.

In March 1939, England and France provided guarantees of security and independence to Poland. On April 19, they were extended to Romania and Greece, and in May-June 1939 they signed agreements of mutual assistance with Turkey.

In March 1939 England and France proposed to the Soviet Union to sign a joint declaration of the governments of England, France, the USSR and Poland against aggression and to provide for the obligations of consultation between these countries. The USSR government replied that "such a declaration does not solve the problem." However, it did not object to the declaration either.

On March 23, 1939, England and France began negotiations with the USSR on the creation of an alliance against Germany. These negotiations were slow because both sides distrusted each other. Britain and France doubted the fighting efficiency of the Red Army, weakened by repression against the command staff, and sought first of all to frighten Hitler by the very fact of the negotiations. That is why Britain and France were in no hurry to conclude a military agreement with the USSR, although the Soviet Union made specific proposals on this issue. Negotiations on the part of England and France took place only at the level of ambassadors, not heads of government or diplomatic departments. The task of the Western powers in these negotiations was to prevent Russia from establishing any ties with Germany. Moreover, since June 1939, England itself conducted secret negotiations with Germany.

For his part, Stalin was suspicious of England and France, believing that they wanted to drag the USSR into a war with Germany and at the same time remain on the sidelines.

The refusal of Britain and France to conclude a military agreement with the USSR led to Stalin's reorientation to conclude an agreement with Germany. This was taken into account by Hitler, who proposed to Moscow to conclude a non-aggression pact. On August 21, 1939, the USSR stopped negotiations with Britain and France and on August 23, 1939 signed a non-aggression pact with Germany for a period of 10 years. This document, known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, was signed in Moscow by the heads of the foreign affairs agencies of the two countries. The extremely important secret protocol to the treaty became known only after the end of the war.

The Soviet-German pact concluded for a period of 10 years included the following points:

Rejection of mutual violence

Observance of neutrality in the event of participation of one of the parties in the war, subject to the aggressive nature of the war.

The secret application delimited the spheres of interests of two countries in Eastern Europe: Finland, Latvia, Bessarabia and Poland to the east of the Narva, Vistula and San rivers fell into the Soviet sphere of influence, the territory to the west of this line was declared to be the sphere of German interests.

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact meant the imposition of a political death sentence on Poland. It was the final chord in Hitler's preparations for the war with Poland, which began on September 1, 1939. The signing of this treaty culminated in Stalin's long-term efforts to expand communist influence in the Balkans and the Baltics. Hitler won the diplomatic duel with the Western powers on the political sympathies of Stalin at the last moment. During 1939, after the capture of the Czech Republic and the annexation of Klaipeda, France and Great Britain negotiated with Stalin to conclude an agreement of mutual support directed against Nazi Germany. British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain also had in mind Soviet guarantees for Poland, similar to those declared by Great Britain on March 31. Stalin insisted on signing a mutual support treaty, which would include the problem of the Baltic countries and Finland. However, these countries, fearing communist influence, rejected Stalin's proposal. Poland overestimated its own strength and, fearing of losing its independence, also refused to sign the Soviet version of the treaty. She counted on the military and political support of Western states. Mutual mistrust and protraction of negotiations made it impossible to sign political and military agreements between the USSR, Great Britain and France. Hitler took advantage of this and achieved the conclusion of a treaty with the USSR, freeing his hands to start a war against Poland.

Chamberlain reacted decisively to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Two days after its signing (August 25), Great Britain entered into an agreement with Poland on mutual assistance in case of war. discouraged by Britain's decisive move, Hitler was forced to postpone a planned attack on Poland from August 26 to September 1, 1939.

Hitler's expansionist policy led to the fact that the results of the Munich Agreement were zero.

The 1939 Pact was a serious mistake for Soviet diplomacy. It undermined the international authority of the USSR and led to an exacerbation of relations between the USSR and Western countries. But most importantly, the 1939 pact accelerated the outbreak of the Second World War, tk. saved Germany from the threat of war on two fronts.

COLLECTIVE SAFETY

joint measures of the state to ensure peace, prevent aggression and fight against it, carried out through the international. org-tion or in accordance with the international. agreements. K. b. is based on the international principle. rights, according to which an attack on at least one country is a violation of world peace and aggression against all other states who have taken on the responsibility. obligations. Contracts about K. b. contain such important obligations as the prohibition of aggression, refraining from the threat or use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes, mutual consultations in the event of a threat of aggression, refusal to assist the aggressor, mutual assistance in the fight against aggression, including the use of arms. forces, etc. Of great importance are commitments to reduce armaments and armaments. forces, on the withdrawal of foreign. troops from the territory. other state-in, about the liquidation of foreign. military bases and aggressive military. blocks, on the creation of demilitarized and nuclear-free zones in various districts of the world (see. Disarmament).

Sov. The Union has consistently advocated and is in favor of creating an effective system of K. b. Wishing to use every opportunity in its struggle for collective security, the USSR in 1928 joined the Briand-Kellogg pact (see Kellogg-Briand pact of 1928) banning war as a weapon of the nat. policy, and then the first (Aug. 29, 1928) to ratify it. In 1933-34 Sov. diplomacy actively fought for the creation of a system of K. b. in Europe against fasc. Germany, for the conclusion of the "Eastern Pact". Sov. Union, resolutely defending the idea of ​​K. b. in the League of Nations, in 1936 introduced a draft of measures to strengthen the system of capital. within the framework of this organization. During the Second World War 1939-45 Sov. diplomacy has done a great job with the aim of creating the foundations of K. b. in Europe and providing international. peace: the USSR concluded with a number of Europe. countries treaties on mutual assistance and was one of the main participants in the creation of the United Nations. In the post-war. period of the Sov. The Union made a number of constructive proposals aimed at creating a system of K. b. in Europe (at the Berlin conference of foreign ministers of the four powers in 1954, the Geneva conference of the heads of the four powers in 1955, etc.). Due to the refusal of the app. powers to accept these proposals and the creation of their military. aggressive blocs (the North Atlantic Pact 1949, the Western European Union, SEATO (1954), etc.), the USSR and others. socialistic countries were forced to conclude the Warsaw Pact 1955, to-ry is defended. character, serves the security of the peoples of Europe and the maintenance of international. peace and fully complies with the UN Charter. In order to weaken the international. tensions of the state - the participants in the Warsaw Pact have repeatedly made proposals to conclude a non-aggression pact between the participants in the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Pact.

B. I. Poklad. Moscow.

Soviet Historical Encyclopedia. - M .: Soviet encyclopedia. Ed. E. M. Zhukova. 1973-1982 .

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- (collective security) A system for maintaining peace and security on a global or regional scale, provided by joint concerted efforts of all states. The central idea of ​​collective security is the constant maintenance of ... ... Political science. Dictionary.

Cooperation of states in maintaining international peace and suppressing acts of aggression. The term collective security has entered the practice of international relations since 1922 within the League of Nations. After World War II, the principle of collective ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

COLLECTIVE SAFETY- the system of joint actions of states in order to maintain international peace and security, established by the UN Charter and implemented within the framework of this world organization, regional security organizations, organizations and agreements on ... ... Legal encyclopedia

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English. security, collective; German kollektive Sicherheit. Cooperation of states in the maintenance of international peace; the principle of international law, according to which the violation of peace by at least one state is a violation of the universal ... Encyclopedia of Sociology

Cooperation of states in maintaining international peace and suppressing acts of aggression. The term "collective security" has entered the practice of international relations since 1922 in the framework of the League of Nations. After World War II, the principle of collective ... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

The system of joint actions of states in order to maintain international peace and security, established by the UN Charters and implemented within the framework of this world organization, regional security organizations, organizations and agreements on ... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary of Economics and Law

Cooperation of states in maintaining international peace, preventing and eliminating threats to peace and, if necessary, suppressing acts of aggression. Agreement on K. b. should include a system of measures aimed at providing ... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia

One of the categories of international law, which presupposes the implementation of a system of joint measures by states and (or) international organizations with the aim of: preventing the emergence of threats to peace and security; preventing cases of violations thereof; ... ... Lawyer's Encyclopedia

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• Ensuring life safety Book 2 Collective security, Mikryukov V .. Book 2 "Collective security" of the manual "Ensuring life safety" includes two sections: "National security" (this section includes chapters on ...

V 1930- e. Soviet diplomacy sought, on the one hand, to implement the collective security plan in Europe, to prevent the creation of a broad united anti-Soviet front, to exercise maximum caution and not to succumb to enemy provocations, and on the other hand, to take all the necessary measures to strengthen the country's defense. Soviet government in April 1939 G. came out with a proposal to conclude a treaty of mutual assistance between the USSR, Britain and France, according to which, in the event of fascist aggression against a number of European states, the three powers will jointly come to their aid. Foreign Secretary Chamberlain said he would "rather resign than sign an alliance with the Soviets." At the same time, the partners of England and France - Romania, Poland and the Baltic countries - reacted negatively to the Soviet Union's proposal: to send troops on the territory of these countries in the event of a German attack. They feared that later the USSR would not want to withdraw its troops.
In June, delegations from Britain and France arrived in Moscow without the authority to make any decisions. They were instructed to conduct "negotiations for the sake of negotiations." Took place 12 meetings that did not lead to a specific result.
15 August Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army D. Shaposhnikov said that the USSR was ready to put up against the aggressor in Europe 136 divisions. At the same time, he outlined options for joint actions and noted that the USSR, with the beginning of the war, "does not intend to adhere to defensive tactics." However, the Soviet proposals did not find support.
Meanwhile, secret negotiations were held between representatives of England, France and Germany, aimed at pushing Nazi Germany into war against the USSR.
In conditions when the negotiations of the USSR with England and France in 1939 were at an impasse, the Soviet leadership accepted Germany's proposal for peace negotiations, as a result of which 23 August 1939 The Soviet-German non-aggression pact (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) was signed in Moscow for a period of 10 years. At the same time, an additional secret protocol was signed, which delimited the spheres of interests of Germany and the USSR. The USSR's sphere of interests included the eastern part of Poland, Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania and Bessarabia (now Moldova). This protocol implemented Stalin's idea of ​​returning to the USSR the lands that had been ceded to Poland under the Riga Treaty. 1921 G.
Was the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany the best solution to the problems facing the Soviet government?

There are different points of view of historians on this score. The USSR was faced with a choice: either to come to an agreement with Britain and France and create a system of collective security in Europe, or to conclude a pact with Germany, or to remain alone. Some experts view the conclusion of a treaty with Germany as the worst option, arguing that the pact provoked World War II. Another point of view boils down to an attempt to view it as an example of a compromise, the ability to use inter-imperialist contradictions.
What prompted Germany and the USSR to agree to an alliance?
For Hitler, this was a tactical move: initially he needed to guarantee the unhindered capture of Poland, and then other states. The Soviet Union, signing the treaty, sought, on the one hand, to secure itself on the eve of the war of Germany against Poland by limiting the advance of German troops and Germany's refusal to use the Baltic states for anti-Soviet purposes, and, on the other hand, to secure the Far Eastern borders of the USSR from an attack by Japan. Thus, concluding in 1939 d. non-aggression pact with Germany, the USSR avoided a war on two fronts.
You can speculate as much as you like on the Soviet-German pact 1939 Mr., to portray him as a conspiracy of two totalitarian monsters, but to people who have any sense of reality, it is clear that the pact is a mutual ploy in order to gain time before the main battle. On the whole, this pact did not allow the creation of a unified anti-Soviet front in Europe, delayed the start of hostilities for a while and allowed the USSR to move its borders away from the country's vital centers. However, the USSR used the received respite less effectively than its partner in the pact.

France, in turn, sought to maintain and strengthen its influence in Europe by creating a common European security system. Of course, this position did not meet with the necessary support from the great powers, who, on the contrary, increased their resistance. Italy sought to develop relations with Great Britain. However, the strengthening of Italy's positions in the Eastern Mediterranean led to a deterioration in Italian-British relations and its rapprochement with Germany.

Fascist bloc

International situation in the 30s of the twentieth century. and the formation

Wars

Lecture 2 International situation on the eve of World War II

1 International situation in the 30s of the twentieth century. and the formation of a fascist bloc.

2 An attempt to create a system of collective security in Europe.

3 Soviet-German relations and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact.

Political life in pre-war Europe was characterized by the contradictory interests of the largest countries. Great Britain sought to preserve the role of the political center of the world and the supreme arbiter in European affairs. To this end, she limited the influence of France in Europe through constant concessions to Germany, which inevitably led to a revision of the Versailles-Washington system.

The authority and influence of the Soviet Union in international affairs grew. In 1924 he established diplomatic relations with France, Italy, Austria, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Greece. International recognition was completed by the establishment in 1925 of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Japan, in 1933 - with the United States, and in 1934 the Soviet country was admitted to the League of Nations. The efforts of the Soviet Union were directed at the equal participation of countries in international life, the preservation and maintenance of peace.

Japan sought to strengthen its influence in the Far East. The main goal of Germany was to revise the Versailles-Washington system, and in the long term, a global change in the system of international relations of that time.

A guarantee of the strength of the Versailles-Washington system could be coordinated actions in Great Britain, France, the USA and the USSR. However, the United States had little interest in the political problems of Europe, while Great Britain and France saw the prospect of a European order differently and sought to limit the Soviet Union's international influence in every possible way. It should be added that the artificial preservation of the political situation in Europe, which was characterized by the division into the defeated and the victors, objectively generated and supported revanchist sentiments in the social life of the defeated countries.

Creation of a bloc of aggressive states. The German leadership was constantly striving to strengthen military-political cooperation with the most aggressive states. On October 24, 1936, an agreement was signed to create the Berlin-Rome Axis, in accordance with which Germany and Italy promised to pursue a common line regarding the war in Spain. On November 25, 1936, Germany and Japan signed the so-called "Anti-Comintern Pact", which Italy joined a year later. In September 1940, Germany, Italy and Japan entered into a military-political and economic alliance in Berlin - the "Triple Pact", according to which the "Axis Berlin - Rome - Tokyo" was created. This led to the division of spheres of influence in Europe, Asia and Africa.

The first aggressive act of Hitler's policy was the Anschluss of Austria. Under the slogan of uniting the lands inhabited by the Germans, on March 12, 1938, the 2000-strong German army seized Austria without resistance, and on March 13 it was announced about its "reunification" with Germany

Aggressive foreign policy in 1935-1939. carried out by fascist Italy, which embarked on a course of creating a colonial empire in Africa and in the Mediterranean basin. The well-armed Italian army invaded Abyssinia (Ethiopia) in October 1935. In May 1936, the aggressors captured the country's capital, Addis Ababa. Abyssinia was declared a colony of Italy. In April 1939, Italian fascists invaded Albania.

In the Far East, the struggle for territorial redistribution was waged by Japan, which sought to establish its dominance in China and in the Pacific Ocean basin. Back in September 1931, Japanese troops occupied Manchuria and created a puppet state - Manchukuo. In 1937, the Japanese aggressors launched large-scale military operations in Central China. They captured a vast territory with rich natural resources. In July-August 1938, the Japanese launched an offensive at Lake Hasan, and a year later. In May - September 1939, they unleashed a military conflict in the area of ​​the Khalkhin-Gol River.

It was an attempt to create a springboard for aggression against the USSR. The troops of the Red Army gave a worthy rebuff to the aggressor.

In Europe, the German aggressors planned the seizure of Czechoslovakia. The formal clue was the position of the German national minority in the Sudetenland.

Great Britain and France demanded that the government of Czechoslovakia accept the German conditions, and on September 29-30, 1938, a conspiracy conference took place in Munich, which decided the fate of this country.

The Sudetenland was transferred to Germany, the Teshin region to Poland. In March 1939, A. Hitler finally divided Czechoslovakia into vassal territories (Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia).

Nazi Germany sought to expand its territory.

In March 1939, the German side made "proposals" to the Polish government to resolve territorial disputes. As a result, the city of Danzig was included in the "Reich". At the end of April 1939, Germany adopted a memorandum expressing dissatisfaction with Poland's decision to reject proposals for a territorial structure. Berlin annulled the German-Polish Declaration of 1934, which led to increased tensions between the two countries.

In the 1930s. political activity in the international arena was also developed by the Soviet leadership. Thus, on the initiative of the USSR in May 1935, the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak pacts of mutual assistance against aggression were signed. This could be a serious step towards containing the aggressive policy of Hitlerite Germany and its allies and serve as the basis for the creation of a system of collective security in Europe. The Soviet Union strongly condemned the aggressive actions of Germany and proposed to hold an international conference to organize a system of collective security and protect the independence of countries threatened aggression. However, the ruling circles of Western states did not express the necessary interest in its creation.

In 1939, the USSR continued active steps to induce the governments of Great Britain and France to create a system of collective security in Europe. The Soviet government came up with a specific proposal to conclude an agreement between the USSR, Great Britain and France on mutual assistance in the event of aggression against any of the countries participating in the agreement. In the summer of 1939, trilateral negotiations were held in Moscow on the creation of a collective security system.

By the end of July, some progress was nevertheless achieved in the negotiations: the parties agreed to the simultaneous signing of a political and military agreement (earlier, England proposed to sign first a political treaty, and then negotiate a military convention).

On August 12, negotiations of the military missions began. From the Soviet Union they were led by the People's Commissar of Defense K.E. Voroshilov, from England - Admiral Drax, from France - General Dumenk. The governments of England and France did not appreciate the Red Army highly and considered it incapable of active offensive operations. In this regard, they did not believe in the effectiveness of the alliance with the USSR. Both Western delegations received instructions to prolong the negotiations as much as possible, hoping that the very fact of their holding would have a psychological impact on Hitler.

The main stumbling block in the negotiations was the question of the consent of Poland and Romania for the passage of Soviet troops through their territory in the event of a war (the USSR did not have a common border with Germany). Poles and Romanians categorically refused to agree to this, fearing the Soviet occupation.

Only on 23 August did the Polish government soften its position somewhat. Thus, the opportunity to obtain consent from Poland for the passage of Soviet troops through its territory had not yet been lost forever. It is also clear that the Poles were gradually inclined towards concessions under the pressure of Western diplomacy. With goodwill, the negotiations could probably still be brought to a successful conclusion. However, the mutual mistrust of the parties destroyed this possibility.

The British and French military missions were not empowered to make decisions. It became obvious to the Soviet leadership that the leadership of the Western states did not want to quickly achieve positive results. The negotiations are at an impasse.

3 Soviet-German relations and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact The position of the West, which was constantly making concessions to Germany and rejecting an alliance with the USSR, aroused the strongest irritation in the Kremlin since the mid-1930s. It especially intensified in connection with the conclusion of the Munich Agreement, which Moscow regarded as a conspiracy directed not only against Czechoslovakia, but also against the Soviet Union, the borders of which the German threat approached.

From the autumn of 1938, Germany and the USSR began to gradually establish contacts in order to develop trade between the two countries. True, a real agreement could not be reached then, since Germany, which had embarked on the path of accelerated militarization, did not have a sufficient amount of goods that could be supplied to the USSR in exchange for raw materials and fuel.

Nevertheless, Stalin, speaking in March 1939 at the 15th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), made it clear that a new rapprochement with Berlin was not excluded. Stalin formulated the goals of the foreign policy of the USSR as follows:

1 Continue to pursue a policy of peace and strengthening business ties with all countries;

2 Do not allow our country to be drawn into conflicts by war provocateurs who are accustomed to raking in the heat with someone else's hands.

In such a difficult situation, the USSR was forced to negotiate with Nazi Germany. It should be noted that the initiative to conclude a German-Soviet pact belonged to the German side. So, on August 20, 1939 A. Hitler sent a telegram to I.V. Stalin, in which he proposed to conclude a non-aggression pact: “... I once again suggest that you receive my Minister of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday 22 August, at the latest on Wednesday 23 August. The Reich Foreign Minister will be vested with all the necessary powers to draw up and sign a non-aggression pact. "

The consent was obtained on 23 August 1939. Foreign Minister I. Ribbentrop flew to Moscow. After negotiations on the evening of August 23, 1939, a German-Soviet non-aggression pact (the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact) was signed for a period of 10 years. At the same time, a "secret additional protocol" was signed.

As you can see, in August 1939 the situation in Europe reached the highest tension. Hitlerite Germany did not hide its intention to start military operations against Poland. After the signing of the German-Soviet treaty, the USSR could not radically influence the aggressive actions of the Berlin authorities.

Lecture 3 The beginning of World War II and events in Belarus

1 The outbreak of war, its causes and nature.

2 Accession of Western Belarus to the BSSR.

3 Germany's preparation of war against the USSR. The Barbarossa plan.

the state of international relations, excluding the violation of world peace or the creation of a threat to the security of peoples in any form and implemented by the efforts of states on a global or regional scale. Ensuring collective security is based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, equality and equal security, respect for the sovereignty and borders of states, mutually beneficial cooperation and military detente. The question of creating a collective security system was first raised in 1933-1934. at the negotiations of the USSR and France on the conclusion of a multilateral regional European agreement on mutual assistance (later called the Eastern Pact) and the negotiations of the USSR with the US government on the conclusion of a regional Pacific pact with the participation of the USSR, USA, China, Japan and other states. However, in Europe, persistent opposition from Great Britain, the maneuvers of the French government trying to reach an agreement with Germany, and the tricks of A. Hitler, who demanded equal rights for Germany in the field of arms, all this frustrated the conclusion of a regional pact and the discussion of the issue of collective security resulted in fruitless discussion. The growing threat of aggression from Nazi Germany forced the USSR and France to start creating a collective security system with the conclusion of the Soviet-French treaty on mutual assistance (May 2, 1935). Although it did not provide for the automatic action of the obligations of mutual assistance in the event of an unspoken attack from any European state and was not accompanied by a military convention on the specific forms, conditions and amounts of military assistance, nevertheless it was the first step in organizing the collective security system on May 16, 1935 was signed by the Soviet-Czechoslovak agreement on mutual assistance. However, in it, the possibility of providing Czechoslovakia with assistance from the USSR, as well as Czechoslovak assistance to the Soviet Union, was limited by the indispensable condition for extending a similar obligation to France. In the Far East, the USSR proposed to conclude a Pacific regional pact of the USSR, the USA, China and Japan in order to prevent the aggressive designs of Japanese militarism. It was supposed to sign a non-aggression pact and non-provision of assistance to the aggressor. Initially, the United States welcomed this project, but, in turn, proposed to expand the membership of the pact to include the UK, France and Holland. However, the British government evaded a clear answer on the creation of a Pacific regional security pact, as it condoned Japanese aggression. The Kuomintang government of China did not show sufficient activity in supporting the Soviet proposal, as it hoped for an agreement with Japan. Given the growth of Japanese arms, the United States embarked on the path of a naval arms race, declaring that it "believes the pacts" and that only a strong fleet is an effective guarantor of security. As a result, by 1937, negotiations on the conclusion of a regional pact to collectively ensure peace in the Far East had come to a standstill. In the second half of the 1930s. the question of the collective security system was repeatedly discussed at the Council of the League of Nations in connection with the Italian attack on Ethiopia (1935), the introduction of German troops into the demilitarized Rhineland (1936), the discussion on changing the regime of the Black Sea Straits (1936) and the safety of navigation in the Mediterranean Sea ( 1937). The Western powers' policy of “appeasing” Germany and inciting it against the USSR on the eve of World War II in 1939–1945. led to the dragging out by the British and French governments of negotiations on concluding an agreement with the USSR on mutual assistance and on a military convention in the event of an attack on one of the three countries. Poland and Romania also showed reluctance to help organize a collective rebuff to fascist aggression. Fruitless negotiations between the military missions of the USSR, Great Britain and France (Moscow, August 13-17, 1939) were the last attempt in the interwar period to create a system of collective security in Europe. In the post-war period, the United Nations was established to maintain peace and international security. However, achieving a collective security system was hampered by the deployment of the Cold War and the creation of two opposing military-political groupings - NATO and the Internal Affairs Directorate. At the 1955 Geneva meeting, the USSR introduced a draft of the Common European Treaty on Collective Security, which stipulated that the states-members of military-political blocs would undertake obligations not to use armed force against each other. However, the Western powers rejected this offer. The relaxation of international tension achieved in the second half of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s contributed to the creation of political guarantees for international security. An important outcome in this process was in August 1975 the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, since 1990 - OSCE). The "Final Act ..." of the CSCE included a Declaration of Principles for Relations between States: Sovereign Equality; non-use of force or threat of force; territorial integrity of states; peaceful settlement of disputes; non-interference in the internal affairs of others. states; development of mutually beneficial cooperation in the political, economic, cultural and humanitarian spheres. The implementation of these principles in practice opens up wide opportunities for solving the most important || rkdu people's task - strengthening the peace and security of peoples.